2026 USC-Meiji Exchange
2026 USC-Meiji Research Exchange
Friday October 30, and Saturday October 31, 12-6pm
Location: SOS 250
FRIDAY: Ancient and Classical Japan
12:00-1:00
Opening Remarks and Lunch
1:00-1:50
Sasaki Ken’ichi
Different Symbolisms of Keyhole-Shaped Kofun in Kofun Period Japan
Keyhole-shaped mounded tombs or kofun were built during the Kofun period from the middle third to early seventh centuries all over Japan except for the present Aomori Prefecture of the northeastern mainland Japan, Hokkaido and the Ryukyu Islands. The symbolism or meaning of the practice of building keyhole-shaped kofun, it seems, differed from region to region. In the central Kinki region, such as the Nara basin and Osaka plain where the central polity was presumably located, and its surrounding areas, keyhole-shaped kofun were a political symbol. For example, four keyhole-shaped kofun of more or less the same size and built having adopted the construction plan same as Saki-Misasagiyama of northern Nara basin (early fourth century) were erected at the four localities in the vicinities of Nara period check points, and the these localities are referred to as the four corners of Kinai 畿内四至 in the Nara period.
Some keyhole-shaped kofun were a religious symbol. For example, the axis of the Sakitama-Inariyama tomb in Saitama Prefecture is in the alignment to the direction of Mt. Fuji, the tallest mountain in Japan that has been considered sacred throughout Japanese history. Although the Sakitama-Inariyama tomb is approximately 100 kilometers away from Mt. Fuji, Mt. Fuji is visible from the tomb. The axis of the Kōbōyama tomb in Nagano Prefecture is in alignment to the direction of sunrise on the day of winter solstice. It is likely that local agriculturalists participated in the construction of large elite burial mounds because of the religious nature of mounded tombs.
In the coastal region of Lake Kasumigaura, from the end of the fifth to early sixth centuries, several 90-meter-long keyhole-shaped tombs were built in the northern coastal areas. These tombs were very close to the locations of piers recorded on an early seventeenth century map. I suggest these keyhole-shaped kofun were planned and constructed by local elites who accumulated power and wealth by controlling water transportation and the movement of goods from the coastal region to the lake.
2:00-2:50
KUMANO Yujin 熊野裕仁
Toward Understanding Social Change in the First Century, BCE through Analysis of the Assemblage of the Miyanodai Type Middle Yayoi Pottery in the Sagami Region
弥生時代中期後半における社会変動の解明－宮ノ台式土器の構造を手掛かりとして―
Agriculture accompanied by irrigation systems was the major subsistence base in Asia throughout history. In Japan, full-scale agriculture was introduced first to northern Kyushu from the Korean peninsula. The adoption was a result of immigration from the peninsula. These immigrants brought not only the cultivation methods of rice and millet, but also the practice of constructing a settlement enclosed by a moat. In Japan, the impact of the adoption of a wet-rice cultivation system was significant. Besides the transformation from hunting-gathering economy to food producing economy, the adoption resulted in a change in lifestyle and the reorganization of social structure.
Once the method of wet-rice cultivation was adopted in northern Kyushu, the method quickly diffused all the way to the northern tip of the mainland Honshu along the coastal regions of the Sea of Japan. However, diffusion along the Pacific coastal region beyond the Tōkai region of central Japan was slow. It took some time before the method was finally adopted in the Kantō region of eastern Japan. In fact, the Kantō region was the very last place in the mainland of Japan where full-scale agriculture was adopted. In the region, while maintaining the Jomon traditions of pottery decoration techniques and mortuary practices, local people practiced small-scale cultivations.
It was during the Miyanodai 宮ノ台 chronological phase (or the second century BCE) when a full-scale agriculture was adopted and the number and scales of settlements drastically increased. Moreover, “comb” pattern pottery decorative techniques and square, low burial mounds enclosed by moats, both originated from the Kinki region of west-central Japan, as well as settlements enclosed by moats originated from the Korean peninsula, were also adopted.
Investigations into the origins of the Miyanodai pottery shed light on the formation of agricultural society at that time, and background to the formation of agricultural society consists of the movement of people who would have pioneered the new agricultural methods in the southern Kantō region. An analysis of the Miyanodai-type pottery suggests that the Miyanodai pottery was influenced not only by the culture of the Tōkai region, as previously pointed out, but also by the culture of northern central highland region or Shinano. These results further suggest that the adoption of wet-rice cultivation was not simply a result of cooperation with a single group of people from the Tōkai region, but rather a result of complex regional interaction with several groups of people.
The author intends to continue his research into the background of these cultural influences, immigration of bearers of the Miyanodai type culture to other areas within southern Kantō, and interaction among local communities. Furthermore, the author will continue to analyze the Miyanodai-type pottery within the broader cultural context, paying particular attention to “comb” pattern pottery decorative techniques to explore the possibility of cultural interactions with the Kinki and Hokuriku regions.
弥生時代中期後半における社会変動の解明－宮ノ台式土器の構造を手掛かりとしてー
灌漑施設を伴う「農耕」は, 今日までの-特にアジアにおいて-続く重要な食料生産技術のひとつである。日本列島における本格的な農耕の出現は, 北九州地方にみられる。しかしながら, その技術は朝鮮半島由来のもので, 自発的に農耕を開始したわけではない。その担い手は朝鮮半島からのヒトビトである。彼らはイネ・キビ・アワらの植物と栽培技術などが持ち込んだと同時に集落の造営方法（環濠）までも日本列島に伝えたのである。
日本列島における, 農耕―特に灌漑施設を伴う水稲農耕―の影響は大きい。それは, 食料採集から食料生産へと変化させ, 暮らしや集団組織の再編が認められるからである。
一度, 水稲農耕が北部九州に伝わると, 日本海ルートを通り, 東北地方の北端（現在の青森県）にまで一気に伝播をする。一方太平洋ルートでは, 東海地方（現在の愛知県）に水稲農耕が伝播するが, 時間をおいて関東地方に伝播をすると考えられている。
関東地方は, 本格的な農耕の開始が日本列島内で最も遅い。小規模な農耕は行いつつも従来の縄文時代の伝統（土器の施文方法や墓制）を引き継ぎながら局所的に生活していた。それに対して, 今回のテーマである「宮ノ台式」（紀元前2世紀ごろ）は本格的な農耕が認められ, 集落数, 規模などが急増する時期である。また, 土器の施文方法や墓制においても近畿地方中央部由来の「櫛描文」や「方形周溝墓」が採用され, 朝鮮半島に系譜をもつ「環濠集落」も形成される時期でもある。
「宮ノ台式」土器の成立を明らかにすることで, 本格的農耕社会の成立の背景を見出すことができ, 日本列島内部での集団の動きのなかでいかに南関東地方を開拓していったのかが理解できよう。
分析の結果, 南関東地方は従来の指摘通り, 東海地方方面の影響はかなり認められるが, 一方で北信地域の影響もあることが判明した。北信地域の影響を認めることで, 従来東海地方単一の集団が開拓・従来の南関東地方の集団との融合として評価されていたものが, より複雑な集団関係のなか, 本格的な農耕社会を営んだことが明らかとなった。
今後はこの影響の背景を探ると同時に, 南関東地方の各地に拡散していった集団の背景やその集団同士の関わりについて議論を進めていく。さらに「櫛描文」をキーワードとして近畿地方中央部や北陸地方とのかかわりを見ながら, 列島内での広い視野をもって「宮ノ台式」土器についての分析を進める。
3:00-3:50
TAKESHITA Hirotaka竹下太崇
Restructuring Poems in the Manyōshū, Focusing on the Poem Sung at a Banquet at the Residence of the Minister of Right Tachibana on the 20th of the Eighth Month, 738
再構成される『萬葉集』の歌―天平十年八月二十日右大臣橘家宴歌をめぐって―
In Volumes Six and Eight of the Man’yōshū that collected poems from the seventh to middle eighth centuries, there are poems sung at a banquet held at the mansion of TACHIBANA no Moroe 橘諸兄, then the Minister of Right, on the 20th day of the eighth month, 738 (Tempyō 8). Some poems in these two volumes were apparently composed by the same authors. However, four poems in Volume Six and seven poems in Volume Eight were apparently composed by different authors.
Since the publication of FUJIWARA Yoshio’s 藤原芳男 paper in 1960, previous research into these poems sung at the Tachibana’s mansion has focused on a hypothetical reconstruction of a scene where these poems were sung at the banquet, unifying various poems separately included in Volumes Six and Eight. On the contrary, KAGEYAMA Naoyuki 影山尚之(2008) argues that poems included in Volume Six and in Volume Eight were compiled under different editorial policies, and therefore poems included in different volumes should be of distinctive groups. He goes on to discuss that the theme of the four poems in Volume Six was tragic love. While his argument is important and should not be ignored, I should point out that KAGEYAMA has not mentioned the seven poems in Volume Eight.
In this presentation, I focus on the seven poems in Volume Eight. I consider how the poems sung at the Tachibana’s mansion were compiled, ordered and arranged, following the editorial policy of each volume. I should like to point out that the theme of the seven poems in Volume Eight was autumn scenery at the banquet and argue that the poems sung at the banquet at the Tachibana’s mansion were re-organized according to different editorial policies of different volumes and that those in Volume Six and those in Volume Eight were meant to describe different aspects of the banquet.
再構成される『萬葉集』の歌―天平十年八月二十日右大臣橘家宴歌をめぐって―
おおよそ7世紀から8世紀半ばまでの日本の歌を集めた『萬葉集』巻6と巻8には、天平10年(738年)8月20日、右大臣橘諸兄の邸宅で開催された宴で詠まれた歌(以下、橘家宴歌)が、分割して収録されている。二つの橘家宴歌には、共通の作者は認められるものの、巻6に4首、巻8に7首と、それぞれ異なる歌が収録されている。
橘家宴歌をめぐり、藤原(1960)以降、先行研究の関心は、分割収録された橘家宴歌を統合し、もとの宴の詠歌状況を復元することにむかった。しかし、影山(2008)は、分割された二つの歌群が、巻6と巻8の編纂方針に則して収録された個別の歌群であるとの見方を示し、巻6の4首を取り上げて、論を展開する。二つの歌群を個別に分析するべきとする影山氏の指摘は重要だが、今日まで巻8の7首についての言及は行われていない。
本発表では、とりわけ巻8の7首を取り上げて、各巻の編纂方針に則して、橘家宴歌がどのように編纂され、配列し直されたのかを考察する。影山が「悲恋」という主題があると捉えた巻6の4首に対し、巻8の7首は秋の風物の詠う宴が主題にあることを述べた上で、橘家宴歌が、編纂方針に合わせ、再構成され、異なる宴の側面が描き出された歌群であることを明らかにする。
4:00-4:30
Coffee Break
4:30-5:30
Will Sim-Oliver
A Research Trip to Izumo
出雲への調査旅行
This past summer, I spent a week traveling around the old province of Izumo (roughly the current cities of Izumo and Matsue), visiting kofun tumuli, shrines, and other religious sites. Many of the archaeological sites I visited support the so-called East-West Izumo Theory 東西出雲論 which posits that, early on, there were two centers of power in Izumo: The West, which was centered around Kizuki (today’s Izumo Grand Shrine) and the East, which was centered around Ou (today’s Southern Matsue) and later allied with Yamato. However, the religious and folkloric sites I visited either complicate or do not immediately reflect this picture. Why is this split only clear in the archaeological record and where else can it be seen?
I will also analyze the travel writings and impact of Lafcadio Hearn (Koizumi Yakumo), a Westerner writing from just before the turn of the twentieth century, who has been considered the ultimate lover of Japanese culture and whose writings are associated with ideas of an ‘Old Japan’ since lost. Hearn lived and taught for a while in Matsue and wrote extensively about his travels in Izumo. Due to this, Hearn is embraced by the Matsue city government which has made him the focus of a current city tourism campaign. Is it appropriate to celebrate Hearn and is he the best choice for promotional campaigns?
My hope for this presentation is to share my experiences and impressions of Izumo, ancient and contemporary, and to provide an on-the-ground perspective of these various issues clouding over Izumo.
SATURDAY: From Classical to Medieval Japan
12:00-1:00
Lunch
1:00-1:50
Andrew Tschirki
What Does ‘Exclusive’ Mean? Shōkū and the Boundaries of Nenbutsu Practice
「専修」とは何を排除するのか――証空における念仏と仏道実践
Zennebō Shōkū 証空 (1177–1247), a disciple of Hōnen and founder of the Seizan branch of the Jōdo school, remained committed to the exclusive nenbutsu while participating extensively in other forms of Buddhist practice. Drawing upon court diaries and Shōkū’s writings, this paper examines his conferral of precepts upon aristocratic patrons alongside his broader understanding of Buddhist practice. I argue that Shōkū complicates a straightforward understanding of “exclusive nenbutsu” (senju nenbutsu 専修念仏). Rather than excluding other practices, Shōkū subsumed them within the nenbutsu as manifestations of Amida Buddha’s Vow. His case thus invites reconsideration of what “exclusive” practice meant in medieval Pure Land Buddhism.
2:00-2:50
Dr. Lisa Kochinski
Reading Recorded Sayings: Zen Nuns’ Practice in the Kamakura Period
語録を読む――鎌倉時代における禅宗尼僧の実践を中心に――
What did the religious practice and related activities of Zen nuns look like in the Kamakura period? This presentation explores this question by examining dharma talks for nuns in the recorded sayings of two Chinese émigré monks associated with Kenchōji: Lanxi Daolong (1213–1278), the temple’s founding abbot, and Wuan Puning (1197–1276), its second abbot. While the dharma talks reflect the androcentric assumptions of their authors, they also reveal that nuns were recognized as serious Zen practitioners, not only as patrons or donors. Nuns of both Rinzai and Sōtō affiliation studied at Kenchōji; notably, the abbess of Hōonji traveled all the way from Higo Province (present-day Kumamoto Prefecture) to Kamakura for this purpose. Furthermore, there were nuns who engaged in koan practice, received the precepts, and even became lineage disciples. In sum, these sources offer compelling evidence that places nuns within the monastic community of Kenchōji, a leading Zen monastery of the Kamakura period, and illustrates the range of their religious practice and related activities.
語録を読む――鎌倉時代における禅宗尼僧の実践を中心に――
鎌倉時代における禅宗の尼僧の宗教的実践とそれに関わる諸活動は、どのようなものであったのだろうか。本発表では、鎌倉建長寺の開山である蘭渓道隆（1213–1278）と、同寺二世の兀庵普寧（1197–1276）という二人の渡来僧の語録に収められた、尼僧に示した法語を検討し、この問題について考察する。これらの法語には両師の男性中心的な女性観が反映されているものの、尼僧が単なる施主や寄進者としてではなく、本格的な禅の修行者として認められていたことも示されている。臨済・曹洞両派の尼僧が建長寺で参学しており、肥後国（現在の熊本県）の報恩寺の住持が参学のため鎌倉まではるばる赴いた例もある。さらに、公案に参究し、受戒し、弟子にまでなった尼僧もいたのである。以上のように、これらの史料は、鎌倉時代を代表する禅宗寺院である建長寺の僧団内に尼僧の姿があったことを示す有力な証拠であり、尼僧の宗教的実践と諸活動の多様性を明らかにするものである。
3:00-3:30
Coffee Break
3:30-4:30
Dr. Nadia Kanagawa
Strange in the Extreme: Race, Ethnicity, and the Emishi in Classical Japan
Scholars of premodern Japan have long emphasized the role of immigrants in establishing the foundations of the early state in Japan. While this work was critical to correcting the idea that there was a purely “Japanese” people or polity, it has also tended to reproduce the classical tendency to consider only certain types of immigrants - typically those of Korean or Chinese origin - significant. This talk draws inspiration from classicists and medievalists who are working to define ethnogenesis, ethnicity, and race in ways that are relevant to the premodern world, and focuses on the relationship between the early Japanese court and the people(s) in the northern part of the archipelago that the Yamato court referred to as the Emishi. Early descriptions of Emishi in court chronicles make it clear that they were understood to be physically, culturally, and socially different from Yamato people in ways that other outsiders were not. Furthermore, while the Emishi were never defined as a separate category of people in the ritsuryō codes, legal commentaries on the clauses concerning the process of becoming a Yamato subject suggest uncertainty about if and how Emishi should be incorporated into the realm. This uncertainty also appears in the official histories, which demonstrate that Emishi who became subjects were often disadvantaged in ways that other new subjects were not. I argue that the lack of explicitly racist laws in classical Japan cannot be taken as evidence that there was no systematic oppression of the Emishi and similar groups in Japan.
4:30-5:30
Final Discussion: International Japan Studies
